Wednesday, 10 September 2014

Thursday Roundup, 9/11/2014


Yee hawg, blawgers. It's time for your weekly-or-possbly-biweekly-(I'm-not-sure-if-"biweekly"-means-once-every-two-weeks-or-twice-a-week-and-I'm-too-lazy-to-look-it-up) roundup of links from around the magical world of the econ blawgosphere!

Me on BV

1. In which I attempt to explain New Keynesian models to BV readers

2. I broke the telepathy story before anyone else, but no one noticed...

3. The "Great Vacation" still has trouble explaining stagnant real wages

4. Olivier Blanchard thinks policymakers pay attention to DSGE models. Ha.

5. Our military spending doesn't outweigh everyone else's as much as people think

6. Perhaps we should consider a strategic partnership with Iran

7. Anti-scientism is bad bad news


From Around the Econ Blogosphere

1. Dan Wang (a welcome new voice in the blogosphere) explains why Peter Thiel believes in technological stagnation. Fortunately, unlike Thiel's earlier National Review article, the case does not rest on the idea that the U.S. government is massively understating the rate of inflation.

2. John Cochrane is going to take people who use sloppy vocabulary when talking about bank capital over his knee and give them a hiding! Go cut Pappy Cochrane a switch!

3. On many measures, Obama outperforms Reagan. Shhhh!!!

4. Steve Williamson, Mage of St. Louis, casts a spell of shadow over the Phillips Curve, money supply targeting, wage-price spirals, and the entire notion that low interest rates cause inflation. If you're sure you know how inflation works, read Williamson and tell me if you're still so sure.

5. David Andolfatto shows that deflation ain't so bad as long as you see it coming, thus refuting an argument that very few people make. Tell that to the HINDENBURG, Andolfatto. In other news, I've decided that David should be a Count, because "Count Andolfatto" just sounds right, doesn't it?

6. Roger Farmer has invented an easier way of estimating DSGE models with multiple equilibria. There's a math error on page 22. Can you spot it?

8. Noah Smith Smackdown Watch: Brad DeLong trolls Yours Truly. But only a little bit.

9. Everyone knows that Minsky saw the 2008 crisis coming, right? Everyone knows that if you just read Minsky, you'd know how financial crises work, and why they happen, right? Well maybe everyone is WRONG. BAM.

10. Kazuma Shuhleezy says that "data scientists" are really just statisticians with a sexier name. He is correct.

11. Narayana Kocherlakota: The 70s are over, people. Does that mean the Franco-Prussian War is over? Oh wait, wrong 70s. Anyway, yes. Everyone who's stuck in the 70s should read Kocherlakota and take his words to heart, but of course won't.

12. Chuckle darkly at the excuses of the manager of a failed hedge fund. Then realize that he's a bazillion times richer than you will ever be, and weep gently onto your keyboard, in the process causing you to accidentally "good" a really lame post on EJMR.

13. Should we use TFP as a measure of welfare? Not if it's mismeasured, say I. There's evidence that labor utilization actually leaks into our TFP measures, so this idea might not be as snazzy as it sounds. Interesting idea, though.

14. Chris House makes a good point, which is that Noah Smith is always right about everything DSGE models are actually a subset of Agent-Based Models.

15. Brad DeLong tells the epic tale of the evolution of the yield curve over the last decade. Or at least, an epic tale that may or may not have anything to do with the evolution of the yield curve over the last decade.

16. Robert Murphy lets loose on Gene Fama's Nobel acceptance speech. Moral of the story: Always account for opportunity costs. (Other moral of the story, which Murphy fails to mention: Inflation, too.)

17. These days it takes longer and longer to pay for a college degree, right? Wrong.

Friday, 5 September 2014

Wages and the Great Vacation, cont.



Casey Mulligan has a response on his blog to a recent Bloomberg View column of mine about wages and the "Great Vacation" hypothesis. In that column, I basically just said that flat real wages are a puzzle for explanations of the post-2009 stagnation that rely on government paying people not to work (the "Great Vacation" idea). Casey doesn't like this. Let's go through his points...
Naturally, a supply-demand decomposition exercise is enhanced by looking at both the quantity and price of labor, also known as the wage rate. That's why my book on the recession starts off with various indicators of wage rates and their dynamics (see chapter 2 beginning on page 9).
Well then I guess my article was not exactly news to Casey.
Three or four decades of labor economics research are of great assistance in this exercise.
Well, I guess they've got to be good for something.

I kid, I kid!
[A] reduction in labor supply could be associated with reduced cash earnings even while it was increasing employer costs: 
1. A reduction in labor supply could reduce the quality of labor, with workers putting in less effort, or doing less to maintain their skills, or become less attached to the labor market.  This tends to reduce cash earnings per hour because each hour is less productive.  These have been major factors in the analysis of women's wages, where most economist believe that women's hourly earnings increased as a consequence of supplying more (see Becker 1985, Goldin and Katz 2002, Mulligan and Rubinstein 2008, and many others). See also some of the literature on unemployment insurance such as Ljungqvist and Sargent's paper on European unemployment.
True, but don't things like unemployment benefits and Social Security Disability only go to the unemployed? Slacking off at your job does not result in the government mailing you a check. Why would a rise in welfare-type benefits cause people to slack more? Are they sitting there at their desks feeling depressed, thinking "Dang, I could be earning almost this much if I quit my job"? I guess it's possible, but unlikely, especially given the decreased rate of quits in recessions.
A reduction in labor supply or demand could increase the average quality of labor through a composition bias.  See p. 17ff of my book and the references cited therein.
Wouldn't this tend to increase wages, or am I being dense? Do I have to go to p. 17ff?
Because of fringe benefits, cash hourly earnings are not the same as employer cost.  As employer health insurance expenditure has been growing over time, the growth of cash hourly earnings has substantially under-estimated the growth of employer cost.
OK, but did these non-cash benefits start to increase more in the years following 2009? Nope. They flattened out just like wages. So the point I made in my article applies to this kind of compensation as well.
Labor economists have also long studied the incidence of supply and demand impulses: that is, the effects of supply and demand factors on both wage rates and the quantity of labor. The consensus is that: (a) labor demand is more wage elastic than labor supply and (b) labor demand is even more wage elastic in the long run than it is in the short run. 
Suppose that the reduction in the quantity of labor were 50% due to demand factors and 50% due to supply factors, and that we had overcome all of the measurement issues cited above. Result (a) means that wages would fall in the short run, because supply shifts translate more into labor quantity than into wage rates while, in comparison, demand shifts translate more into wage rates than labor quantity. In this example, it would be wrong to conclude from reduced wage rates than supply is less important than demand for explaining the change in the quantity of labor. 
To put it another way, if we found that wage rates (properly measured) were constant, but didn't know the relative contribution of demand and supply factors to the quantity change, result (a) tells us that the majority of the labor quantity change was due to supply factors. With a labor supply elasticity of 0.5 and labor demand elasticity of -3 (reasonably conservative short run estimates), the constant wage rate result means that 86 percent of the quantity change was due to supply factors and only 14 percent due to demand factors. In the long run, labor demand is even more wage elastic, and the share attributable to labor supply is even closer to 100%. 
To put it yet another way, if it were true that labor demand explained the majority of the change in labor quantity, then employer costs (properly measured) would have fallen dramatically.
I think it's very important to correct for the trend here. Real wages have been flat since the crisis and recession, it's true, but were growing strongly before that. Also, continued productivity growth since the recession seems to indicate that real wages have fallen substantially relative to the long-term trend.

As for the inelasticity of labor supply, it had always been my understanding that the macro evidence showed a fairly high elasticity of labor supply. You'd certainly expect Mulligan, whose theory of unemployment is based on a rise in implicit taxes arising from benefit phase-outs, to take this view. Without looking at his parametrization, I can't tell if the "inelastic labor supply" story is numerically consistent with the "benefit phase-outs caused the stagnation" story, but the two stories do seem to be somewhat at odds. In other words, if you think unemployment is due mainly to people being paid not to work, then it seems like you have to think that people's work decisions respond a lot to how much you pay them.

As for the long run, the period we're talking about is something like 2009-2012, so it doesn't seem that long to me.

In other words, the flattening of wages since the recession still seems like a puzzle for these theories. And I didn't even mention sticky real or nominal wages...

(Note: I was a little unfair in lumping Mitman's theory in with the "supply shock" stories, because his model uses search frictions to make unemployment insurance reduce labor demand. I still think his model is probably pretty wrong, though!)

Monday, 1 September 2014

Is America's health care underperformance a myth?



Argh. Cliff Asness is a true supervillain - he has succeeded in forcing me to think about health care. On Twitter, I repeated the factoid that America's health care system is worse than that of other advanced nations, and Cliff directed me to this article of his, alleging that this talking point is a myth. The whole article is too big to take on in one post, so I'll stick to looking exclusively at his "Myth #4":
Myth #4: Healthcare costs are very high in the United States compared to socialized countries
This section itself is broken into multiple points, so let's take a look at them.
Many of the surveys of “outcomes” that show other countries spend less for similar or better healthcare than the United States are just intentionally disingenuous (i.e., they lie). The ultimate example is the U.N.’s 2000 World Health Report, which has been extensively cited by progressives and the media...[T]he study included high-speed auto fatalities and murders in their assessment of a country’s life expectancy, and then progressives cited that life expectancy to indict the U.S. healthcare system. Well, Americans drive more often on a more extensive highway system than most others, and we sadly have more crime than many. Reputable studies exclude these fatalities as, while tragic, they are not the fault of the healthcare system and should not be used to judge or modify the healthcare system. With these fatalities excluded, the U.S. ranks 1st in the world on life expectancy. With them included, we rank 19th, as reported in the 2000 study cited so often by ObamaCare advocates.
Actually, with both violent fatalities (which include suicide) and traffic fatalities included, we rank 42nd. But anyway, Cliff's point is an important one. Still, I don't think he makes the case. Here's why.

First of all, this study, by Robert Ohsfeldt and John Schneider, uses data from 1980-1999; hence, it is between 34 and 15 years out of date. There is some evidence that the U.S. has fallen behind a bit since then. One way to see the old-ness of the study is to observe that the gap between the U.S. and the other rich countries was very small, with or without traffic and violent fatalities!

Read this WSJ article for a balanced look at the Ohsfeldt and Schneider study. Also, a quick Google will find some studies that look at more disaggregated metrics - for example, this 2012 study, which gives survival rates for various types of cancer. There are many, many other sources like this out there.

The upshot, though, is that in terms of life expectancy, and most other outcomes, the U.S. and European/Asian systems are doing about equally well. The U.S. simply spends a much much larger portion of its GDP to achieve this performance. Similar results for 1.5 or 2 times the price? That's a crap outcome, as a businessman like Cliff should know!

Cliff also accuses the U.N. of basically lying to make the U.S. health system look bad:
Perhaps even more insidiously, most of the U.N.’s 2000 World Health Report does not really even rank healthcare outcomes. The actual oft-quoted final rankings, with the United States ranking poorly, are an average of many different ratings, many of them explicitly about how “socialized” or “progressive” a healthcare system is. For instance, their rating system gives 25 percent weight to “financial fairness,” and if one goes through their other categories you find they again are not rating who lives or dies or lives better (you know, healthcare outcomes), but how much the healthcare system has such things as “respect for persons” (this is part of the 12.5 percent weight they gave to “responsiveness,” which is separate from the 12.5 percent weight they gave to “responsiveness distribution,” whatever on Earth that is). The report goes further, judging these things with such objective measures as “respect for dignity” and “autonomy.” In total, more than 60 percent of a country’s score in this survey was some measure of progressive desires, not what you or I would call a healthcare outcome. And, as in our auto example above, much of the rest contained expressly anti-American flaws. That we pay for the United Nations to lie about us is a topic for another day.
I don't have anything to say about this, but I never heard about those ratings anyway, and I don't think advocates of U.S. health reform really talk about them much. So I will skip over this part.

Cliff's later points address this somewhat, so let's proceed:
Part of the reason we spend more is other countries have price controls and we don’t. For instance, they restrict the amount drug companies can charge much more than we do. That sounds great; price controls save us money! But if nobody pays for new drugs, they don’t ever get created. Without these controls, our consumers here indeed pay more, but that funds much of the life-saving and life-extending healthcare innovation available for Americans and the rest of the world. It is frankly unfair that the world is free-riding off us. Free-riding means they let us pay for the innovation that benefits them at lower cost. But if nobody pays for the innovation, the innovation just does not happen. If we try to free-ride off ourselves, it doesn’t work—innovation dies for us too. U.S. consumers paying fair prices (not government restricted artificially low prices) does lead to higher U.S. healthcare costs, but the alternative is far worse: Joining the world in severely limiting prices, and not seeing the next generations of new innovations and improvements.
This is another important point, though I wish Cliff had provided some evidence.

The U.S. spends 18% of GDP on health care; Germany spends 11%. Are you telling me that we spend 7% of our GDP - one trillion dollars a year - on health innovation? Actually, since some health innovation is done in other OECD countries, it's an even bolder claim - that $1T should represent the difference between what we spend on health innovation and what we would spend if we were able to "free ride" as much as Germany. That's a lot of health innovation spending. Health research spending is only about a tenth of that, actually. (Research is not the only type of innovation, of course, but it seems like the bulk of it, especially given that many R&D expenses are tax-deductible, so it's in companies' interest to classify as much innovation as "research" as possible.)

So the argument is that our exorbitant health care prices go to fund innovation, which Europe and Japan then get for cheap or free, by free-riding. But how does this free-riding work? How do they just take our technology?? Maybe ideas are just in the air, and technology spreads by casual conversation among doctors at international conferences, by cheap reverse-engineering, by industrial espionage, etc.

But if this is true, then health technology is non-rival and non-excludable - it's a public good! And a public good is a market failure. And if health technology is a giant, $1 trillion market failure, we shouldn't expect a free-market system to work very well. You can try to patch things with a patent system, but that will always be an incomplete solution. So if all this free-riding is going on, it's a powerful argument that much medical innovation should be done by the government, not by private companies.

Cliff continues:
Americans lead less healthy lifestyles than much of the developed world. Americans historically value freedom more than other countries and cultures. We value it for its own sake, even if it sometimes leads to a worse outcome. But we mostly value it because these choices are personal. Frankly, some would sacrifice some health to eat what they want and avoid the StairMaster. Freedom isn’t always sugar-free. Our American choices are costing us more, and raising the healthcare cost figures progressives love to cite. But they are our choices to make, not theirs to gainsay.
I will spare the snarky comments about public health, hand-washing, sewer systems, the CDC, blah blah blah. Those comments write themselves.

What's less clear is that people in Europe and Japan are less free. Getting good health advice from your doctor isn't slavery. Being taught healthy habits in school isn't slavery. If you think either one of those things is slavery, you're a doofus. A doofus who is entitled to his doofus opinion, but a doofus nonetheless. (Note: This is a value judgment!)

(Actually in some ways we live healthier lifestyles than people in other countries. We smoke less, for example. Obesity is the main difference. It's a little amusing how the right has turned to extolling the virtues of land-whale-itude in recent decades...)

Cliff:
We spend more on end-of-life care than more regulated societies with socialized medicine or systems closer to it. That’s our choice.
Is it? A lot of that higher spending is higher prices, which could reflect higher demand, or which could reflect inefficiencies in the system (or paying for innovation, but I covered that above). I'm going to go with "inefficiencies," since Americans usually don't even know the prices of the health care services they buy. How can you make an informed, free consumer choice when you don't even know the price of what you're buying?

Cliff:
The cost of a healthcare system is not just what we spend directly on it, it is also how much the healthcare system helps or hurts the overall economy. If socialized medicine slows economic growth, then this is part of its cost, perhaps a big part, and is left out of the simple analyses (looking at direct expenditure divided by GDP) that are so common.
But if the government forbade us from spending money on health care, we'd just spend it on other stuff we like. In real terms, if government forbade us from using real resources to create health care services, we'd use those resources on something else we want a bit less. Substitution would mitigate the effect of price controls, etc., not exacerbate them.

Cliff:
Lawyers. We got lots, they have far fewer. We can separately debate how to design our legal system (some of my libertarian friends advocate for a large role for lawyers), but the size and scope of legal action here dwarfs most of the world. It leads to doctors practicing tremendous amounts of “defensive medicine.”
This is a sensible point, but as with most of these points, it's not backed up by any numbers or evidence. Tort reform could theoretically be a big money-saver, but in practice it doesn't look like a game-changer.

This brings us to the end of Cliff's so-called "Myth #4". The main take-away is:

1. We pay much much more than other countries for about the same quality of health care.

2. Some part of this may be due to innovation externalities, but these must necessarily represent a market failure.

Anyway, I do think Cliff's points are important. I think medical innovation is very important and under-studied, and I do think it represents some (though not most) of the price difference between America and other countries. I do think that tort reform is a good idea and should be tried. I do think that the difference between America and the rest of the OECD is not in health outcomes, it's in the cost we pay to achieve those outcomes. And I do think that the medical system can't entirely fix the obesity problem.

But these points do not convince me that the American health system is doing better than those of other rich countries. Cliff's main point is that the American quasi-market system, while not perfect, does many things better than the non-market systems of places like Germany, the UK, or Japan. But it seems to me that getting "bang for the buck" for the modal or median person is not one of these things. Cliff's "Myth #4" seems like no myth, but fact.